Product Description
A Creative Tension is a fresh look at the foreign policy roles ofCongress and the president by one of the most astute congressional practitioners of foreign policyof recent decades, former U.S. representative and chairman of the House International RelationsCommittee Lee H. Hamilton.With an insider's perspective based on thirty-four years inCongress, Hamilton elucidates current domestic and international pressures influencing U.S.foreign policy, strengths and weaknesses in the foreign policy process, and ways to improve theperformance of the president and Congress.A Creative Tension argues persuasively andelegantly that better consultation between the executive and legislative branches is the mosteffective way to strengthen American foreign policy.

A Creative Tension is the most extensive analysis of the congressional and presidentialroles in foreign policy by a former member of Congress.Hamilton explores the topic in anoriginal, stimulating, and accessible manner by deftly mixing incisive commentary withilluminating personal reflections.The book includes timely and important recommendations forimproving the ability of Congress and the president to develop a foreign policy that meets thechallenges and opportunities of a post-September 11 world.It should be of interest to foreignpolicy makers, scholars and students of American politics, and the general public.Wilson Forum ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Good but too partisan leaning Democratic
I got this book for my Master's degree program. It is very good but I am struggling right in the middle of the book forward. Much of his criticism of Congress and the examples he sites are of the partisan Republican tactics of the 90s against Clinton. While this is true, we see the VERY SAME TACTICS from the Democratic controlled Congress of today. Therefore, while the author explains the political games members of Congress play, let's be real.These games are played by both parties equally. NO ONE has the moral high ground here.

Great Primer by A Citizen Leader
"Despite its increased activism in recent decades, Congress rarely leads and often falls short in educating the American people about foreign policy...occasionally, members give foreign policy speeches--some are very good--but they rarely feel any real burden to explain our foreign policy challenges to the American people. The members who do so are a distinct minority."

Hamilton took his place in that minority during his 1965-99 career in the U.S. Congress, and he continues the role of political educator with this small but insightful book about the relationship between Congress and the president.

In it, he details the changes and continuities he observed in Congress during his long tenure, and argues convincingly that U.S. foreign policy will be most effective when it rests on strong presidential leadership, responsible congressional criticism and partnership, and sustained dialogue and consultation.

Hamilton's recommendations carry added weight because of his own personal integrity, and his work towards encouraging Americans to become more involved and informed citizens. Currently the director of Washington's Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, he also runs a "Center for Congress" at Indiana University, and served as vice chairman of the 9-11 Commission. Hamilton is critical when need be, but not cynical, providing a model for active citizenship.

As I prepare to join our Foreign Service, this book has helped me better understand the mechanics of the U.S. Congress. Its readable style makes it a great primer on foreign policy for anyone who wants to know more about the relationship between the Legislative and Executive branches.

Hamilton takes his place alongside Indiana Senators Lugar and Bayh as a distinguished national leader who has earned the respect of both parties in the service of the United States. He makes me proud to be a Hoosier. ... Read more

Product Description
When Joe DioGuardi ran for Congress in 1984, he didn't fashion himself a modern-day prophet. But after two terms in Congress, DioGuardi had learned enough about Congress' budgeting, accounting, and reporting gimmicks to predict the 2008 national financial crisis and today's spiraling national debt. To sound the alarm, he penned the book Unaccountable Congress: It Doesn't Add Up (1992), which he has recently updated in this new edition. DioGuardi, who founded the non-profit organization Truth In Government in 1989 to educate Americans about Congress' unaccountability and profligate spending decided to update the book after the fallout from the 2008 financial crisis, the battle over health care reform, the passage of new stimulus bills, and the seemingly endless increases in the national debt ceiling. The new edition traces events since 1992 that directly contributed to the 2008 financial crisis, and includes his new commentary on America's financial condition. ... Read more

Product Description
Ideal for today's young investigative reader, each A True Book includes lively sidebars, a glossary and index, plus a comprehensive "To Find Out More" section listing books, organizations, and Internet sites. A staple of library collections since the 1950s, the new A True Book series is the definitive nonfiction series for elementary school readers.A True Book -- American History: How do you wrap a 450,000-pound gift?What is the world's oldest and shortest written consitution?Find out in this patriotic celebration of things uniquely American. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Excellent Introduction to U.S. Government
This series is a great way to introduce elementary age children to our government. I found it to be very helpful teaching elementary kids in a read aloud setting as well as beneficial for review for middle school children to study independently. A great series to have in your home library if you homeschool.

This is a clear, concise overview of Congress that is very easy to read and is laid out in a very appealing manner!
Here in the United States we are considered to be a "democracy."In other words that means that we, as a people, select the people who run our government and "make the laws."We have three different branches in our government, but the one that is responsible for making the laws in the Congress.It is the "legislative, or lawmaking, branch."Congress consists of two houses, on isthe Senate and the other is the House of Representatives.In this book you will find out who occupies each house and what they do.

For example you will learn that in the House of representatives the elected members serve for two years and represent approximately 690,000 people.If you come from a small state, you have fewer representatives.At this time we have 435 members in the House.In the Senate there are only 100 members and each elected senator serves six years.Each state, regardless of size, is entitled to two representatives and as a result"all states have equal power in the Senate." You will learn about the Speaker of the House, the powers each branch has, the committees, how they write and pass bills, how an "idea turn[s] into a law," requirements for election, the kinds of sessions they have, privileges accorded the members, their histories and you'll get to read about several "memorable moments in Congress."

This is a clear, concise overview of Congress that is very easy to read and laid out in a very appealing manner.This is a "True Book" that challenges the student to figure out which of two statements presented in front of the book is true.There are numerous fun facts scattered throughout the book, informative sidebars and photographs.In the back of the book are "important words," an index, a page of true statistics and additional recommended book, organization and we site resources.Did you know that there are members in the House of Representatives who cannot vote?You'll just have to read this book to find out who they are! ... Read more

Product Description
The American Congress Reader provides a supplement to the popular and newly updated American Congress undergraduate textbook. By the same authors who drew upon Capitol Hill experience and nationally recognized scholarship to present a crisp introduction and analysis of Congress's inner mechanics, the Reader compiles the best relevant scholarship on party and committee systems, leadership, voting, and floor activity to broaden and illuminate the key features of the text. ... Read more

Product Description

The Road to War: Congress' Historic Abdication of Responsibility is a thought-provoking discussion of the ramifications of a shift in the balance of powers between Congress and the Executive Branch with regard to war and peace. To underscore his argument, author Robert Kennedy outlines the intellectual origins of the U.S. Constitution and examines the intent of the Framers on the relationship between Congress and the executive branch in the formulation of foreign and security policy and decisions of war and peace.

Kennedy traces the erosion of congressional power from 1789 to the 21st century, concluding that Congress has often gifted away its war powers to the president, preferring to leave decisions on his shoulders, rather than accept the responsibility for a comprehensive examination of the issues and the tough decisions that such efforts might entail. This abdication by Congress of its constitutionally mandated responsibilities dangerously threatens the systems of checks and balances established under the Constitution. Power no longer checks power. Ambition is set free to take the Road to War.

Product Description
Provides tips on dealing with congressional staff

Take charge of your cause and make government work for you!

Need a passport on short notice? Want to get a bill passed? Looking to contact your representative? This fun, friendly guide takes the mystery out of getting something done in Congress, introducing you to the players and explaining the processes – everything from legislation and lobbying to caucuses and coalitions.

The Dummies Way

• Explanations in plain English
• "Get in, get out" information
• Icons and other navigational aids
• Tear-out cheat sheet
• Top ten lists
• A dash of humor and fun

Customer Reviews (5)

David Silverberg is an excellent writer.
The title says it all. David Silverberg is one of the most intelligent political writers in Washington, DC. Check out his work right now at Homeland Security Today.

[...]

If you need to learn about Congress quickly for under $20, nothing beats this.

Congress For Dummies
I received this book in a timely manner, it is well written, and gave me the information I hoped.

Help for the budding lobbyist
This is a clearly written introduction to how the legislature works, right down to how to get around the different Congressional buildings. OK, so it's not exactly a graduate poli-sci text but Silverberg is the Editor ofThe Hill, so he's certainly got the credentials to put this book out. Sure wish we'd had this book *before* we'd done our first legislative visit!!

Very good book
This was a Dummies book that didn't look down on me.It had a lot of info on it that was pretty cool.It sure helped me on my AP Government test.Also considering I'm interested in Government, it had a lot of useful ideas to help me write bill proposals and other things to Congress.

I also liked the foreward.Senator Daschle, we ned a lot more people in office like you.

Buy this book. It has good things that help you.

THE BEST CONGRESS BOOK EVER
If there was ever a book for congress that you had to buy, this is it.In fact, if this was the only book you had to buy, buy this book before any other.It is the Bible of budgets, the Torah of truth, and the Koran of Congress.

This book has it all.It has information for the experienced legislator as well as useful information for any layman.It helpes me every time I have proposed any idea for a bill to my congressman, and has told me who my congressman even was (Tom Wolfe, a very withdrawn, yet supposedly experienced man).

It gives information vital for everyone to know, as well as extrememly interesting facts (there has been two extremely brutal fights in congress).There is also information for which I never had any idea about but am interested about now, such as information, as well as the origin, of jerrymandering.

There is just one thing that has the capacity, the brevity, the sum of the copious amount of words I put in this summary...
BUY THIS BOOK! ... Read more

Product Description
A handsomely illustrated tribute to the Library of Congress building, published to coincide with its one hundredth anniversary. Arguably the most beautifully decorated building in the United States, the Library of Congress building (recently renamed the Jefferson Building) is celebrating its one hundredth anniversary this year after an eighty million dollar restoration that returned it to its original state. Designed by John L. Smithmeyer and completed in 1897 at a cost of under seven million dollars, the building is enhanced by the art of over forty sculptors and painters whose ranks include such notables as Herbert Adams, Kenyon Cox, Edward Clark Potter, Louis Saint-Gaudens, and John Quincy Adams Ward. The planning and construction are detailed in John Y. Cole's essay, followed by discussions by Henry Hope Reed, Richard Murray, and Thomas P. Somma of the decorations, paintings, and sculptures. The volume concludes with a study of the restoration by Barbara Wolanin, a chronology, a glossary of architectural and decorative terms, and a biographical dictionary of all the artists, architects, and designers who worked on the building. Throughout, noted photographer Anne Day's color images enhance this splendid book. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (4)

Great book and pictures
The book has a LOT of background information about what the various statues/frescoes/paintings were designed to show and shows the pictures too.

restoration tract
i was eagerly anticipating receiving this book:i had much too great an expectation to not be disappointed; i was disappointed.

the book is very expensive; yet, it is not like the large-format art books it purports to be:it is a tract about the restoration of the jefferson building, not a book ABOUT the jefferson building.much detail, little overall or general inclusions:sections of rooms, murals, carvings, floors, moulding, but not gorgeous pictures of the whole; the whole is definitely NOT greater than the sum of the parts.

ah, well, as my gran used to say, "great expectations lead to great disappointments."she was always right!

BEAUX ART CLASSIC
It's odd that many friends of mine that visit D.C., dont bother seeing this spectacular building.This book does a fine job, through vivid, crisp images and historical text, to impress upon the reader the importance of this famous structure, as a fine architectural set piece and as the nations library.I always love the story of how Jefferson sold his book collection to the library for a ridiculous sum, to settle his always present debts, it was hardly a philanthropic jesture, but then with Jefferson it was always about him anyway, great man in many ways, but deep down a cold narcassist..anyway, getting back to the building, its essentially a copy of the paris opera of Napoleon III's Second Empire, with some changes, but definitly the opera house was the inspiration for this building,Garnier's estate should have demanded royalties it was so close, at any rate, very good book on a most deserving subject, I really cant imagine anyone being disappointed in this book, if they have any interest at all in this building.

An inside view of Washington's best kept secret.
As the illustrator of the Jefferson building's overview for the book (pp.276-277), I had the rare privilege of walking through many of the areas of the Jefferson building not open to the public. Entering the Great Hallfor the first time, I was caught off guard by its extraordinary beauty.Being a native Washingtonian, I was surprised that such a lavishlydecorated structure existed here in Washington, D.C. The overall impressionof the interior is more that of the Paris Opera House, thana governmentbuilding. This beautiful book, with its many photographic details of theinterior, allows the reader to recreate that sense of awe that Iexperienced walking through the entrance. With Anne Day's vivid photos, andthe Libary's wonderful history, this book should be a welcome addition toanyone's personal library. Once you see the book, I suspect you maymodifyyour itinerary for your next trip to Washington. This gem of a building isdefinitely worth a visit.

-Doug Stern ... Read more

Product Description

Throughout America's history, the House has played a central role in shaping the nation's destiny. In this incomparable single-volume history, distinguished historian Robert V. Remini traces the institution from a struggling, nascent body to the venerable powerhouse it has become since America's rise on the world stage. The essential drama of democracy—the struggle between principle and pragmatism—is showcased throughout the book, and through it the history of America's successful experiment with democracy unfurls.

Customer Reviews (6)

A good start to US political history
The House provides an accessible summary of the political history of the United States through the lens of the House of Representatives.It covers the key controversies of Presidential power, state vs. federal and legislative battles between parties.It does an excellent job of looking at how the role of the Speaker has changed and focusing on the two most powerful speakers Henry Clay and Sam Rayburn.It is very easy to read and quick for those with a good background in US history who can focus on the complexities of the house.I agree with many of the other reviewers that for those who have a major interest in US history will find this lacking in substance as the author could have gone into much greater detail.Overall though it provides a decent summary and can be used as a jumping point for finding what other areas in US political history one wishes to read further into.

Sponsored by the House
Regrettably, I didn't do enough research before buying this book.It is a dry, factual account of House history that leaves you feeling like you didn't learn much about the real history of the institution.In my opinion, it paints an excessively flattering and superficial portrait - probably because it was sponsored by the House's 1999 History of the House Awareness and Preservation Act.The book might be useful for your kid's school report, but if you're looking for something that goes any deeper than that or is even remotely engaging, please look elsewhere.

An Important Synthesis of the History of the U.S. House of Representatives
As one would expect from a talented and productive historian such as Robert Remini, this is a breezy, insightful account of the House of Representatives from 1789 to the recent past. Remini breaks new ground in writing the history of the House of Representatives. He manages to cover the foundation of the House from the British two house system through the endless debate in the Continental Congress and Articles of Confederation years.The text is very readable as Remini moves forward from 1789 to the present, covering major aspects of the history of the House of Representatives. Not surprisingly for a scholar of Jacksonian America, he is at his best in discussing the antebellum era of Henry Clay, John Quincy Adams, and others. Also fascinating, is his recounting of recent events made possible through a large number of interviews.

Remini remarked that he had never tried to write an institutional history before, and that he approached this work with some trepidation. The work had been mandated by the House of Representatives, asking the Librarian of Congress to oversee the effort. Remini was not the first choice to write this history, but David McCullough chose not to take on the task. Remini approached his assignment with relish, and the result reflects that enthusiasm. He includes in this work many fascinating stories of the "People's House," as he originally wanted to title the book. The flaws in this work, and there are certainly a few of importance, result it seems to me from two basic issues. First, the work suffers from the restrictive schedule imposed by the House of Representatives to complete it. Second, as a scholar of the antebellum period of American history Remini has a tremendous mastery of the material of that era. He is weakest in background in the first half of the twentieth century and the book reflects this lack of in-depth knowledge. His story recovers in the period since World War II because he could draw on oral histories with many members and former members of the House of Representatives.

Clearly this is a major work about the House of Representatives, a body that has needed an official history for years. It will be useful as an accessible overview and synthesis of the subject more than as an in-depth, analytical, thesis driven historical monograph. Many such specialized studies on individual eras and themes exist, and this work helps provide connective tissue between them. The Society for History in the Federal Government just awarded Remini's "The House" its George Pendleton Prize given for an outstanding major publication on the federal government's history produced by or for a federal history program. This book certainly deserves that honor.

Entertaining reading but substantively thin on its announced subject
This is a disappointing book by an accomplished historian which perhaps reflects its origin as a book sponsored by or written for the House and Congress. On the plus side, it is a well-written, interesting and easy to read narrative history. But substantively it is pretty thin and derivative on what the title announces as its main subject, the history of the U.S. House.

Most of the book is given to what one might call external House affairs, positioning the House as a participant in the general history of the country, particularly its political history. About half delivers a textbook version of U.S. political history from the House viewpoint (campaigns, the sequence of presidents, the sequence of congressional party control, changing national political issues, key legislative acts, and the like). About another quarter is given to bits of history of Washington, D.C. and its government buildings, particularly, of course, the Capitol and congressional buildings.

This leaves about one-quarter, maybe a third, for the history of the House itself as an institution of government. And much of this fraction is devoted to entertaining re-tellings of notable stories - famous members, famous feuds, famous incidents, etc. - that serve to illustrate but throw little light on the cultural past of the House.

Not much space is left, then, for what one would expect the book mainly to be about: a history of the institution of the U.S. House, its constitutional origins and development, the evolution of its internal organization and institutional structures, its changing internal culture and affairs, the history of its committees and their practices, changing legislative procedures, relations with the Senate and the courts, expenditures, budget practices, etc. These topics are covered, of course, but thinly, almost incidentally in many places, though with a little more attention in the second half of the book (post-civil war). In a one-volume treatment of the subject, more space should have been given to these aspects of House history -- which also can be interestingly related -- and less to a re-telling of textbook political and Washington D.C. history.

There are appendices useful for references purposes: lists of House leaders, for example, along with (oddly in a history book) short essays on a selected few contemporary practices and procedures, with a little bit about their history (e.g., electronic voting, counting presidential ballots, the office of the Whip, etc.). Absent are historical appendices on many useful topics (perhaps because they might seem critical or reflect badly on the House in some quarters): staffing, member discipline, member expulsions, salaries, expenditures, appropriation and budget practices, court cases, etc.

There is an index, but it is inadequate (heavy on member names and the like, but incomplete, spotty, or entirely absent on many subjects that are in fact covered, here and there, in the book (legislative procedures, staffing, member salaries, member discipline, committee arrangements, etc.). This limits the book's utility as a reference source: one has to plow through page by page to be sure to ferret out what information may be included on a subject.

There are endnotes, also thin. There is no bibliography or bibliographic essay, which would have been very helpful from such a source.

Excellent look at the development of the House
A few months ago, I read The Most Exclusive Club, Lewis Gould's history of the modern U.S. Senate.When I saw that a book about the House of Representatives was coming out, I knew that it would be a good companion piece to Gould's book.Then I saw it was by Robert Remini, the fabulous biographer of Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster and knew that this book was a must-read.And though Remini has expanded beyond the Jacksonian era he has specialized in, he has still written a great book.

Naturally enough, Remini starts at the beginning of the House in 1789.In the early going, the institution was trying to define itself and its role in the government.With travel to the capital so difficult (first in New York, then Philadelphia and finally Washington), it wasn't surprising that most Congressmen served only a couple terms.Although there were big names in the first Congresses (such as James Madison), few stood out for their actual work in the institution.That would come with the next generation in the early 1800s:Henry Clay, Daniel Webster and John Calhoun would thrust the House into greater prominence.Clay in particular is something of a star, transforming the Speakership into a position of power.

In the tug of war between Congress and the Presidency, first one side would have the advantage, then the other, but in the antebellum era, the legislative branch probably had the edge overall.Unfortunately, as regional differences grew greater, the level of debate got lower and sometimes even descended into violence.Nonetheless, Remini has even less good to say about the post-Civil War House, which was ineffective and filled with corruption.In the 20th century, probably the greatest single development was the rise of the perpetual politician; Congressmen (and eventually Congresswomen) began serving for decades instead of just a few sessions.As a result, seniority came to be a big issue, and the South (where representatives were rarely ousted) came to dominate committees and clog up legislation, particularly on civil rights.Eventually, some of this would be cleaned up, but new issues would rise as Congress entered the present era, as the members became constant campaigners and more media-savvy.

Essentially, within 500 pages, we get a history of the United States from the perspective of the House of Representatives.In addition, in appendices, we get lists of all the Speakers and Congressional leaders as well as sergeants-at-arms and other positions as well as other miscellaneous information.Overall, Remini retains objectivity, even with more recent politics.For example, while he is critical of Newt Gingrich for making reducing civility in the House, this is not a criticism of Gingrich's politics but rather his behavior.Remini has plenty of good and bad to say about both Republicans and Democrats.This is one reason that his book is better than Gould's decent but sometimes slanted book; another reason is that Remini is just a better writer.This is a great book by a great writer and highly recommended for those who enjoy reading American history.
... Read more

Product Description
The book offers lively and highly readable case studies of the most intriguing and important congressional races of 2008. Both House and Senate races are included and each case covers the same topics presented in the same order within the cases. This includes profiles of both candidates and the congressional district or state of the senate race, as well as a discussion of the main policy issues of the campaign, campaign strategy, media coverage of the candidates, interest group involvement and resulting vote. ... Read more

Product Description

Customer Reviews (4)

Excellent intoduction to congressional affairs
I enjoyed reading this book; it is a excellent resource.It gives a backstage pass for readers to see how Congress works and can be influenced. It gets specific right down to what Congressional staff members primary roles are and how best to leverage relationships with them.

Handy read if you want to get on the scene...
Although, I do not have any aspirations to become a Washington lobbyist, I wanted to know how they do it. How do organizations send their minions into Washington and create laws for the rest of the people. Needless to say, this book tells you the tricks of the trade (which in Washington is all one big trick).

One of my aquaintences read this book and began lobbying on a small scale in New Jersey acheiving some success in the field until he got bored and became a lawyer. So that is the only proof that I have that this book works. It details the method which the lobbyist must follow in order to get into the system, to talk to the politician and his staff, and to lead a grass-roots movement.

Everything is described in an easy to read way, and reading the book will take you at most a few days so, if you got the $50 for the luncheon, grab a copy and get your butt over to Washington. Anybody can do it, you don't need corporate backing to acheive your agenda, as long as you control the lobby.

Simple and excellent book
This is one of the most excellent and at the same time, simple book on lobbying. Off the several dozen I have read on lobbying and campaign management, this is one of the best and most appealing book I have encountered.

The book starts with assuming that it represents the political agenda of a "Flat Earth Society" (association of believers in earth being flat). It takes the defense of this ridiculous premise and weaves around it a web of very sophisticated arguments around issues pertaining to this premise. These arguments are presented piece meal at a time to thwart off elimination of flat earth dogma from various govt and school texts etc.

The author has, using this premise as an example, shown all the necessary steps that a lobbyist will have to go through to convince the congress of his agenda and issues.

Overall, an excellent book.

A Self Guided Text
while we used this book as a text for our class in lobbying at George Washington University's Graduate School of Political Management, I would recommend it to anyone who wants to lobby congress.It gives a good basicunderstanding of the steps and tips on how to find a good lobbyist if youdecide you need more help. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Excellent Comparative Analysis of Legislative Bodies
This book contains excellent academic information on the structure and operations of various legislative bodies.It compares 99 state legislative chambers with the two Congressional chambers.All can trace their origins to colonial assemblies.These chambers have numerous differences, including numbers of members, numbers of residents per district, qualifications to serve, term limits, degrees of professionalism, staffing, pay, rules, organizational structures, etc.Readers learn many useful facts, including as a small sample, some of the following:

The U.S. House emerged by using colonial assemblies as models in determining its procedures and structure, including creating committees and establishing leadership positions.The colonial assemblies were all changed by becoming part of a new nation as each state created their own Constitutions which reformed their legislatures.

The settlers of 14 Colonial assemblies (East Jersey and West Jersey would later merge into New Jersey) elected colonial assemblies that ranged from initial memberships of 11 in New Hampshire to 42 in Pennsylvania.12 became bicameral.Pennsylvania started as bicameral in 1682 and become unicameral in 1701. They were established for societal and economic purposes, which colonies having different reasons for creating them.Most states used the British Parliament of the Tudor period as their guidelines in organizing their legislative assemblies.Almost all sought to have legislatures acting separately from the Governor. Most states have Councils that were appointed by and represented the Governor or, in Maryland, the Proprietor.These Councils mostly favored the interests of the King's government.In some states, the Councils and Assemblies initially met together.Eventually, they all met separately.Thus, the authors note that bicameralism was due to political disagreements between the two bodies.These disputes were not class based, they note.The British government turned to bicameralism due to class as the House Lords membership was passed down from father to son.

The assemblies gained power during the 18th century.Most assemblies had political power equivalent to that of the Governor by 1763.This allowed the public to openly question the policies of their British government leaders.

Colonial representatives were more accessible to their constituents than were members of Parliament.There were 14,367 constituents for every House of Commons member in England compared to 1,200 or fewer constituents for every assembly member in New York, New Jersey, North Carolina, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Rhode Island.

Individuals could petition assemblies.About half of 18th century law passed by assemblies began as petitions.

Virginia's House of Burgess met for five days in 1619 compared to an average of 157 days from 1728 to 1749.

Most assemblies had standing committees.Pennsylvania and Virginia had subcommittees.

Parliament had a tradition of reading bills three times that continues.After second reading, bills were referred to committees.If a committee reported a bill, it was debated, could be amended, and voted upon.The tactic of amending a bill to change it into a new direction was developed in the 1760s.

People of the elite, economically and socially, served in colonial assemblies.Legislative leaders were often from the top echelons of the elite class.

Most colonial assemblies required members to formally address the Speaker while debating.Pennsylvania, Virginia, Georgia, and Maryland assemblies stated that the name of a member with an opposing view could not be used in debate.

Georgia required assemblymen to be Christians and Pennsylvania required them to follow anti-Catholic laws.Maryland, from 1704 to 1716, prohibited tavern keepers as assemblymen.Ministers were prohibited from being legislators in seven states, a policy that also existed in Parliament.In 1978, a court decision eliminated Tennessee's law preventing legislators from being ministers.

Of the 39 signers of the U.S. Constitution, 32 had served in state legislatures and 18 had served in colonial assemblies.The creators of Congress were familiar with legislative processes.

Thomas Paine and Ben Franklin favored unicameral legislatures.Franklin compared bicameralism to having horses of opposite ends pulling the same cart in conflicting directions.

Voters elected the earliest state legislators, except in South Carolina and New Hampshire where lower house members elected upper house members and in Maryland where voters elected electors who then elected their state senators.

While most state legislatures developed their initial constructions from states' experiences with their colonial assemblies, the legislatures in different states experienced different evolutions.

All state legislatures were created in their state Constitutions.Each Constitution, except in North Carolina, allows the legislators to create their own rules and procedures.Yet many state Constitutions have been amended to place specific requirements upon legislatives rules and committee structures. The Colorado Constitution was amended to require every billt o have a committee vote.

Some states gave their legislatures supremacy powers over other branches.Some legislatures chose the Governor and who would be Judges.Rhode Island still allows the legislature to make appointments, which could even be legislators, to over 300 Executive positions.200 of these appointments were also legislators, as of 1998.

Three states, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Maine use joint committees from both houses to consider bills.Alaska requires both houses to meet in joint session to vote on veto overrides and also to approve appointments made by the Governor.

The first legislature with term limits was Pennsylvania in 1776.

There were efforts to increase the professionalism of legislatures, with full time legislators with staffs, in the 1980s.Two decades later, there were movements in some states to reverse this trend.

28 states, as of 2004, have the number of days of legislative sessions determined by their state Constitutions.

In 1683, Pennsylvania legislators received three shillings daily pay and faced a five shilling fine per day of willingly not attending.

The first Congressional staffers were hired in 1856 as part time committee staffers.The first personal staffs were hired by the U.S. Senate in 1885.The U.S. House followed with personal staff in 1893.

Some state legislatures had staff members in the 19th century. New York's legislature had 41 staffers in 1852.The Wisconsin Assembly had 50 staffers in 1887.The Illinois state legislature had 101 staffers in the early 1890s.Most states began hiring more legislative staffers in the early 20th century.

The authors found that wealthier states were more apt to have more professional legislatures.More professional legislatures tended to pass more bills.

The variation in the number of leadership positions rangers from one, the Speaker in Louisiana and Mississippi Houses, to Connecticut were 49 of its 191 members are leaders.

Fund raising patterns for state legislative races vary among states. Some states rely heavily on central party organizations led by legislative leaders to conduct the bulk of fund raising for legislative candidates.In some other states, individual candidates are primarily responsible for their own campaign fund raising.

Legislative committees were common in the 1840s.Mississippi, from 1948 to 1956, had 46 Senate committees for its 49 Senators.The 1950s saw Florida with 38 committees for its 39 Senators, so every Senator was either a committee chairs or its President.

Most state legislatures require conference committees to have equal representatives from both Houses.Congress does not have this requirement.

Approximately 5% of bills introduced into Congress become law.Most states legislatures have higher rates of per cent of bills introduced that are enacted.Most states pass at least 20%of bills that are introduced.

The U.S. House Speaker has full discretion in referring bills to committees.The U.S. Senate President's committee designation powers can be appealed.State legislatures use an assortment of referral processes.Some use the Majority Leader or a Senate Pro Temo, or another leader, or a committee chair, or a clerk to refer bills to committees.In Maine, referrals are by a chamber vote.Pennsylvania and a few other states prohibit changing a referral decision.

There have been several notable filibusters.One lasted eight days in the 1990 Maryland Senate.Two members had a 36 hour filibuster in the 1957 Texas Senate.A continuous three day filibuster in the 1924 Rhode Island Senate was halted by a stink bomb.Some chambers limit debates to prevent filibusters.

A few states require every bill before a legislative committee to be reported out of committee.Most other states have procedures to discharge from committee a bill that has not been reported.The Pennsylvania House allows 4% of its members to discharge a bill, which gives minority party members potential powers that don't exist in most other legislatures.

In the early 17th century, there were several examples of members of Congress, including one U.S. Senator, Charles Carroll, who left office in preference of serving in the state legislature.(He resigned in 1792 to serve in the Maryland State Senate).State office lured 48 U.S. Senators from 1790 to 1849 and 8 U.S. Senators from 1850 to 1949.

Farmers composed 62% and lawyers 7% of the Maryland Assembly members in 1635 to 1688.Records are incomplete but farming was a leading occupation of legislators through the end of the 19th century.Lawyers increased as a percent of legislators from then on.

The turnover rate for legislators leaving office saw a most noticeable swing in Pennsylvania when its turnover rate went to 62% in 1696 to 1705 to 18% in 1766 to 1775.Many Pennsylvania legislators served for over 15 single year terms.Legislative turnover rates were relatively higher in most states during the first half of the 19th century.Longer service was found to have tended to produce more involved legislators who created more complex legislative structures.
... Read more

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A journey of hope, healing, and restoration. ... Read more

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The latest edition of this classic work [formerly Immroth's Guide to the Library of Congress Classification (Libraries Unlimited, 1990)] provides you with a basic understanding of the ever-evolving Library of Congress Classification system and its applications. After introducing the classification and giving a brief history of its development, the author presents readers with the general principles, structure, and format of the scheme. She then discusses and illustrates the use of tables. In a chapter new to this edition, Chan provides a general discourse on assigning LC call numbers. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Skip this book--Use Classification Web
Coincidentally, my cataloging class is discussing how poor this text is as I am writing this review. I laughed when I opened my email and saw that Amazon wanted me to review this book. Not only is the book 10 years old, but it was not sufficiently updated during the last edition. Much of the information is old, awkwardly written, and doesn't reference Classification Web, which nullifies a lot of the information and processes, anyway. As a new cataloger, this book is entirely unhelpful in learning the complicated process of classification. My cataloging class was surprised that this book was put out by Chan, who is one of the best writers in the field of cataloging (her LCSH book is great). We would like to see a classification text that gives exercises, explains patterns better, and references Classification Web (this is what we will be using in our jobs, for crying out loud!). Don't worry, though, future catalogers, we're brainstorming about writing our own text--look for it in a few years. Until then, just go to Classification Web.

Guide to the Library of Congress Classification
An excellent resource for the novice and the experienced cataloger.Well-organized, well-written.I found this a valuable resource tool during my recent cataloging coursework. ... Read more

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While learning procedures like the markup or cloture, the legislative process can seem mechanical and dry. What students hunger for, and greatly benefit from, is seeing lawmaking from the inside the backroom politics that makes the process so fascinating, so real, so compelling. All Roads Lead to Congress drives students through one piece of legislation the surface transportation bill showing them the maneuvering and negotiating that go on among members of Congress and their staffers as they haggle over a huge pot of money. The bill provides an example of both sides of the domestic legislative coin, as members of Congress formulating the bill fight over both policy issues (mostly along party lines) and money (mostly along regional lines).

While working on the Hill, Costas Panagopoulos and Joshua Schank were able to follow the path of this legislation from inception to law, observing firsthand the twists and turns of its journey. While filled with details and dialogue reminiscent of a good novel, All Roads is sure to explain the various rules that structure legislation, the leadership styles and strategies at play, the tensions among levels of government, and the impact of the executive. Students are not only likely to read this intriguing case study of Hill life cover to cover, but they also might seriously consider an internship or future career on the Hill. More important, they will have absorbed conceptual ideas about Congress effortlessly.

Customer Reviews (6)

Great Read
This is a great read for those looking to get an insider's view of the legislative process, through the prism of a single piece of legislation. Great descriptions of the behind the scenes horse-trading that goes on among powerful staffers on Capitol Hill.

never recieved the book!!Dont order here
I ordered this book on sept 20.it is now october 16 and i still have not recieved it..there is no way to track it.i had to go and buy another one at the store.

Inside the Sausage Factory
Congress has $300 Billion to spend in a landmark transportation bill. "All Roads Lead to Congress", written by Senate staffers, takes the reader through the public posturing, staff fights, and backroom dealmaking that produce the ultimate legislation.

Schoolhouse Rock this is not.

Joshua Schank and Costas Panagopoulous were advisors to Senator Hillary Clinton, and provide the reader with a front row seat to the earmark-driven, credit-grabbing politics that too often dominate wise public policy.

The true genius of this book is its ability to cover every detail of the intentionally painstaking legislative process - while keeping the reader invested in the outcome.

It accomplishes this by bringing to life the players, especially the behind-the-scenes staffers who exercise tremendous unseen power.

A great read for students of the American democratic process.

The Money Game
Transportation policy is all about "who benefits?" and "who pays?" This book provides ample evidence of this well-known Washington truth. The result? Money talks, policy walks. Vulnerable members get put on transportation committees explicitly to "bring home the bacon" and thus protect their seats. The result? Transportation continues to be a "policy free zone" where huge amounts of money get (legally) skimmed off the top for "bridges to nowhere" and other useless projects. Taxpayers with any common sense will cringe at the stories the authors relate about meetings where "the number" (in billions of dollars) necessary to achieve member consensus is dramatically announced in a darkened room to a rapt group of committee staffers. At the same time America remains in the thrall of foreign oil suppliers when 70% of domestic oil consumption is guzzled up by transportation, 33% of greenhouse gases come from the transportation sector, and the cost to consumers from traffic jams exceeds $70 billion annually. If there is any time for transportation policy to change from being an oxymoron to a deliberate effort to invest in a new, green infrastructure promoting a new, green economy, that time is now. The authors provide a great service to their readers in educating them on the forces arrayed against such idealistic efforts, as well as supplying them with the tools necessary to bring true change to an area which up to now has been a policy wasteland.

An indispensible look at an important policy debate
Perhaps no other slate of federal policies has more of an impact on the pace and shape of metropolitan growth and development than transportation. The scheduled 2009 reauthorization of the existing federal law will play an enormous role in shaping the physical landscape and economic destiny of this nation over the next several decades. For that reason this book could not come at a better time.

The authors provide a inside look at what really happens when transportation policy is on the table. It is essential to understanding the sad truth about what really matters to congress when it comes to transportation policy. It is a fascinating look at the inner workings of congress through the lens of the transportation debate e.g., personality, pressure, and position.

Though it is not particularly insightful to say that money politics dominates the transportation debate, this book solidly confirms it.

This is the book to read if you want to know how the game is played. ... Read more

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Constitutional History as it Really Happened
David Currie, a (beloved) professor at the University of Chicago Law School and perhaps the nation's foremost constitutional historians, launched this project to explain how the Constitution has been interpretedand applied, in practice, throughout our history. The modern law studentlearns constitutional law through cases, and one would be foregiven if hethought that John Marshall and Joseph Story decided most questions ofconstitutional interpretation over our first fifty years. Yet, Currieexplains, Congress and the President did far more to shape ourunderstanding of the Constitution through their own mutual and selfrestraints. Madison helped write the document, for example, but he also hadto live under it, both as a Congressman and later as President. He did notstop interpreting and shaping the document when the ink dried.

Curriewalks through the first dozen years of the nation under the Constitutionand shows how Congress in particular interpreted it. Such questions, ofcourse, arose constantly in those early years (still do?), but Currie putsthem in context, and explains how and why different interpretations wereaccepted and enforced. Perhaps the best thing Currie does is to demonstratethat, once again, there is really quite little under the sun in terms ofConstitutional interpretation. Many of the issues that the Supreme Courteventually visited in the past 200 years were anticipated by Congressionaldebates in the first dozen. Congressman took the floor and explained theissues every bit as clearly as the Court would many years hence --sometimes even better.

Currie doesn't write like a law professor. Hiswit, coupled with an obvious love of the subject matter, is apparent onevery page. He is working on further editions that will add future timeperiods.

Like Kurland and Lerner's *Founder's Constitution,* Currie's*Constitution in Congress* series will soon become a required staple ofevery legal scholar's bookshelf. ... Read more

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This book offers the first comprehensive examination of the role of religion in the proceedings, ideas, and goals of the Continental Congress. Those who argue that the U.S. was founded as a "Christian Nation" have made much of the religiosity of the founders. This exhaustive analysis, however, shows that the revolutionaries did not seek to entrench religion in the federal state. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

Religion and the Continental Congress... Original Intent
Clearly explained and exhaustively researched, Original Intent reconstructs our country's beginnings: the who's, the how's and the why's. This is no Progressive's view; rather the colorful and complicated truth.

Exhaustively naive
Davis just plain misses the point.Let's be clear: I didn't say Davis didn't throughly examine the subject as a historian; I said he missed the point -- right over the head, so-to-speak. Just as the Bible says that God is revealed and understood through faith, not scientific or historical evidence Davis has evidently attempted to examine the "intent" of the founders through "secular eyes." Since the Bible also says we humans have only two choices available (regardless of opinion on the matter). We are either on one side or the other -- God's or the devils.Guess who's doing the examination here.

A Time of Transition
Religion and The Continental Congress, 1774-1789: Contributions to Original Intent ((Religion in America Series).By Derek H. Davis. N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 2000. 309 pp. Hardback

Professor Davis, Director of the Dawson Institute at Baylor University, makes a significant contribution to the historical literature of the Revolutionary - Confederation Period in the area of church-state relations, a subject largely overlooked but nevertheless frequently abused.Much of the writings in this area is shrill: either militantly clamoring for the government to return the nation to its "Christian" roots or ardently asserting the principle of church-state separation.Neither side will be completely happy with this volume; however, its even-handed, objective presentation can be a bridge builder between the warring accomodationists and separationists.

Superbly organized, Davis clearly and comprehensively presents how the Continental Congress related itself to religion within the larger secular historical context.He then objectively discusses accomodationist's interpretations of how the Congress interacted with religion in numerous ways before providing an alternative but rational separationist construction.In a few instances the author readily admits the separationist alternative is weak.

Davis readily concedes that if the meaning of the Constitution's religion clauses was to be based on the record of the Continental Congress it would dramatically favor an accomodationist interpretation.In fact, he states the congressional record "does not readily allow for any other interpretation."However, Davis believes the historical evidence must undergo closer scrutiny.An overarching theme in Davis' study is that the Revolutionary-Confederation era was a transitory period - a period in which not only were revolutionary changes made in government, but also a period in which American attitudes towards church-state relations underwent dramatic change.It was during this era that Americans of different faiths, working together in a common cause, gained respect and acceptance of each other's divergent fundamental religious beliefs .

Another aspect of this theme is that this was an era in which the concepts of separation of church and state were being formulated. For instance the Congress, early in the war, endorsed the printing and distribution of Bibles at government expense; however by the end the Confederation period it refused to set aside sections of land in the Northwest Territory for the support of religion.

This reflects a changing outlook of the American people, who at the beginning of the conflict with Britain believed, along with the rest of the western world, that a church-state union was essential for the survival of both.However by 1791, contrary to the rest of the western world, that position had radically changed to where it was believed a church-state union was not only detrimental but impossible in a federation of states.The new nation's fundamental document, the Constitution, neither mentioned God nor did it provide for a national church - a revolutionary first.

However, in recording these revolutionary changes, Davis points out that, while separating church, and state certain practices of a civil religion remained in the public square.These included opening Congress and the Supreme Court with prayer, congressional and military chaplains, and presidential proclamations. But the author regards these as "routine carryovers" from an era just ended, not as violations of the First Amendment - a landmark of the new era.

While believing some accommodation is desirable, the author is of the opinion that government should sponsor only practices having "longstanding traditions in American life.But the author points out that those who are currently urging more government sponsorship of religion base their arguments mainly on pre-constitutional practices, forgetting that the nation was in the midst of a dramatic transition.

The concept that church and state must be united for the survival of both was ending, soon to be replaced "in favor of a new body of political thought that embodied separationist ideals."James Madison, the architect of the Constitution, expressed the principles of the new paradigm when he "solemnly declared that `any alliance or coalition between Government and Religion ... cannot be too carefully guarded against.'" ... Read more

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The political parties in Congress are as polarized as they have been in 100 years. This book examines more than 30 years of congressional history to understand how it is that the Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill have become so divided. It finds that two steps were critical for this development. First, the respective parties' constituencies became more politically and ideologically aligned. Second, members, in turn, ceded more power to their party leaders, who implemented procedures more frequently and with greater consequence. In fact, almost the entire rise in party polarization can be accounted for in the increasing frequency of and polarization on procedures used during the legislative process. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

Profound insights into Congress
Filled with countless data and fact sets regarding polarization in Congress, Party Polarization is key in figuring out how party alignment in the U.S. Congress comes about. Party Polarization includes more than just looking at the vote counts of Congress - it goes further and more in depth in a wide range of figures. It looks at everything from redistricting outcomes to pressures faced by individuals from their respective parties. If anyone is even remotely interested in looking into how the party alignments change, what goes into the alignments, and inner workings of Congress, I highly recommend this book. From reading this book, Sean Theriaults profound knowledge of the inner workings of Congress is obvious.

Sean Theriault is a baller.
I am in his 370 class, and he made us buy his book.That's O.K. though, because the research by his students and himself has been crucial to the course.While it isn't the most entertaining read, it is informative.Anyone interested in politics should buy this book.Anyone who has noticed a rift between the right and left since Newt won the congress for the Republicans probably already has this book.Hopefully this review will boost my professor's book sales, and his ego.

Bwn97

An excellent book, but misses something.
A book all students of American politics, young and old, should be required to read. Of course, as a requirement is exactly the circumstances under which I read this book, but I can't say I was disappointed by what was contained within. The ideas presented were well articulated, and the material was clear and to the point. Though it at some level might seem a little obvious that a valid solution to the questions of polarization is "Ram everything together", Theriault shows that it is far more complicated than that, and does an excellent job balancing out all of the intricacies and explaining it clearly without the self-aggrandizing pomp that dominates the literature of Political Science.

All that said, I am disappointed to see the lack of analogies using Presidential dolls, which really was one of the selling points of the class. Perhaps if future books include more of this, I will be more inclined to try and get my friends and family to buy copies. ... Read more

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Explains the traditions surrounding Congressional protocol, how the chambers are laid out, what goes on on a daily and weekly basis, and how a bill becomes law or gets rejected, and includes a chapter on accessing political information on the Internet. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

a reference book, title suggests otherwise
based on the title of this book i was looking forward to a book which provided an explanation with good narrative, description, and historical context into the workings of congress. instead this book is simply a reference for terms and phrases used by and for congress. granted someone took the time to look up and define the many obscure terms and phrases but the lack of meaning and context is frustrating. a better title for the book might be, "A Reference to Terms and Phrases Used in Congress".

A great guide to the vocabulary and proceedings of Congress!
Whether you're a C-SPAN addict or simply a citizen who wants tolearn about how our Constitutional Republic works, this book is agreat introduction into the workings of the Legislative branch, and ahandy reference that's a lifesaver when watching C-SPAN or during aCivics test.

This book is conveniently divided into threeparts. The first part deals with the makeup of each chamber, and whereeveryone goes. Answers to questions like "Where does the Speakerof the House sit?" and "How are the seats in the Senatearranged?" can be found here.

The second part, the heart ofthe book, is a large dictionary of Congressional terms. This is themost useful section of the book. Find out what a "SecretSession" is, as well as a "filibuster", a"line-item veto", and what a "Pro-Forma session"is.Clear, consise definitions, in laymans terms.

The thirdsection deals with Congressional procedure. This section detailscommon phrases, how to testify for Congress, how a Bill becomes Law,and a common day in the life of Congress.

Last of all, is anappendix with Congressional websites, ... and other Internetresources. At the end is a lengthy listing of all the CongressionalCommittees (just so you know, a Congress is subdivided into committeesthat focus on certain aspects of the government), such as theCommittee on Indian Affairs and the Agriculture Committee.

Overall, this is a great book, and I highly recommend it for anyonethat wants to have a better knowledge of the enigma that isCongress.
For political junkies, this is a very handy referncetool, as is a dictionary to a grammarian. ... Read more

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At a time when some of the most sweeping national initiatives in decades are being debated, Congressman Henry Waxman offers a fascinating inside account of how Congress really works by describing the subtleties and complexities of the legislative process.

For four decades, Waxman has taken visionary and principled positions on crucial issues and been a driving force for change.Because of legislation he helped champion, our air is cleaner, our food is safer, and our medical care better. Thanks to his work as a top watchdog in Congress, crucial steps have been taken to curb abuses on Wall Street, to halt wasteful spending in Iraq, and to ban steroids from Major League Baseball. Few legislators can match his accomplishments or his insights on how good work gets done in Washington.

In this book, Waxman affords readers a rare glimpse into how this is achieved-the strategy, the maneuvering, the behind-the-scenes deals. He shows how the things we take for granted (clear information about tobacco's harmfulness, accurate nutritional labeling, important drugs that have saved countless lives) started out humbly-derided by big business interests as impossible or even destructive.Sometimes, the most dramatic breakthroughs occur through small twists of fate or the most narrow voting margin. Waxman's stories are surprising because they illustrate that while government's progress may seem glacial, much is happening, and small battles waged over years can yield great results.

At a moment when so much has been written about what's wrong with Congress-the grid­lock, the partisanship, the influence of interest groups-Henry Waxman offers sophisticated, concrete examples of how govern­ment can (and should) work. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (16)

Some inner workings of Congress
As has been commented to me by others, "It's a puff piece", I find that to be not true in the sense that one has to remember that this is an autobiography of a Congressman's experience in the Congress.

The information contained in the book is about what it can take to pass the legislation that makes a significant difference in the lives of Americans when there is large disagreements between philosophies of the political parties. When simple "horse trading" doesn't work.

Note that Henry Waxman does not claim to be the only one who has been through this, but is only explaining necessary procedures/methods to follow.

If one is really interested in how their government works, instead of sleeping through their lives, it's a must read no matter which side you are on.

The Waxman Report - Henry Waxman (Twelve Books)
Thank God for Henry Waxman. As Chairman of the House Energy and Commerce committee (and former Chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform committee), Waxman, a three decade congressman from Southern California is one of the leading proponents of enforcing regulations on companies and agencies who might otherwise be effective at skirting laws designed to protect citizens from unethical and often times, illegal abuse.

As a career politician, Waxman sheds valuable light on the process that he oversees in Congress against often times, well-heeled opponents looking to get around measures designed to provide the public reasonable protections in regard to everything from the Clear Air Act to food labeling to U.S. energy policy. As a former California State Assemblyman and later a member of the U.S. Congress, Waxman has the experience to explain to readers the inner-workings of committees and laws and how tricky it can sometimes be to carve out legal and political solutions that will benefit those who may not have the money, organization, lobbying presence or other political clout to adequately withstand the pressures of those who have something to gain through misdeeds.

Waxman has long been viewed as the representative of the people over both government abuses and most certainly corporate powers looking to use (or abuse) the laws to increase profits at the expense of the public good. Waxman details his many battles with industries like big tobacco, big pharma and the major food suppliers and how he and his staff must remain diligent in the face of powerful pressure groups. The methods that Waxman has to employ sometimes seem like that of a political contortionist (like changing a set of hearings from `food' to `nutrients' to gain the upper hand on the food producers) but it is clear he recognizes his mission and pursues it with unwavering determination.

While "The Waxman Report" is somewhat detailed (and at times a bit wonky), it is not as arduous as a deep political tome might be and is therefore accessible to most readers, even if they may not have a deep working knowledge of the inner working of politics. The most important thing about the book itself, may very well be its source, as Waxman is on the frontline of these never-ending battles and after reading this book, we are glad he is.

One Man's Political Life
I Like Mr. Waxman but a book on his active Political life from begining is a boring read and I don't like a lot of political doings he takes as just the way it's done. He never seems to want to change things just do them better than the other's. The book is not so much about how
Congress works but how Waxman did it.

An insider's look
The Congress has become the punching bag of the U.S. Government. It's ratings are in the tank, and it appears, on the surface, to most citizens, that nothing is ever accomplished in the legislative branch. However, Representative Henry Waxman's new and incredibly insightful book on the inner workings of Congress show how issues are addressed, and eventually accomplished.

Rep. Waxman's book is part memoir, part recounting of his experiences serving the people of California for the past thirty years. His thesis, stated early n the book, is that government is a help, not a hinderance, when coming to the aid of its citizens. Waxman recounts several events that led to successful government intervention:

Don't like smoking in planes? Thank Congress.

Don't think apples should be covered with pesticides? Thank Congress.

Think that drug companies should try to find medications for all diseases? Thank Congress.

Worried that people with HIV/AIDS would lose their jobs? Thank Congress.

Think cigarette makers shouldn't market their products to children? Thank Congress.

Like food packaging labels? Thank Congress.

To be fair, Democratic Waxman does take shots at Republicans from time to time, but mostly its to show that even the minority party can be effective from time to time. One of Waxman's points, which caused me to think seriously about the current health care bill, is that no significant legislation gets passed without bipartisan support. Does this bode well for our health care?

Another interesting thing to note in the book is that corporations usually will do anything to get legislation weakened or eliminated if it's going to mean regulation on their end. In his "tobacco" chapter, it's clear how much the industry fought for years on end to delay/dismantle any governmental attempts to regulate it. It seems to me that many corporations have similar tactics to dissuade the legislation from happening; bad effects, raised costs, etc.

When all is side and written, this book is a great primer on how things can, and often do, get done in Congress. I highly recommend this.

The Waxman Report
First of all: I am a liberal. So it's not like I'm bashing Waxman overall. However, I was reading it for my AP Government class, so it probably didn't help I was forced to read it.

The worst thing, in my opinion, the writing is very, very dry. It was kind of hard to get through due to my preference for fiction. Around every other chapter was interesting. I really liked the first half of the chapter on AIDS; the chapter on baseball/steroids legislation I skipped completely. The title is slightly misleading by saying it's going to tell you how Congress REALLY works -- I learned more from my textbook. I feel like it was more of Waxman expressing how his views are right and everyone else sucks, except when people work with him. The Waxman Report contained an expression of a lot of pride in his work to the point where it seemed smug, which I hope wasn't how it was supposed to be.

The best parts? The very small amount of anecdotes. Like the nutrition chapter mentioning how he was trying to lose weight along with other representatives, or the fact he had been a chronic smoker and restarted because of all the free cigarettes provided graciously.

All in all, if you like hearing how certain bills were passed this book is somewhat enjoyable, but if you're expecting more personal anecdotes (less "this person was my enemy" anecdotes) along with the legislative talk, pass this up. ... Read more